'  /  ^ :  "  LIBRARY 
•  H  X I A-  OF  THE 

.  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Horace  greeley  and  the 


[IS  ADVOCACY  OF  THE  KU-KLUX  ACT  AND  OF  THE 
LAW  TO  ENFORCE  THE  XVTH  AMEND¬ 
MENT  ;  OF  MIXED  SCHOOLS  AND 
OF  EQUAL  CIVIL  RIGHTS. 


Horace  Greeley,  long  known  as  one  of 
the  bitterest  critics  of  the  South  and  of 
Southern  institutions,  is  now  a  candi¬ 
date  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States  ;  and,  as  such,  he  is  making  a  bid 
for  Southern  votes  by  professions  of 
friendship  and  kindly  feeling  towards 
the  people  of  that  section  of  the  country. 
Is  he  sincere  in  those  professions  ?  The 
lies, of  the  New  York  Tribune,  a  paper 
which  is  liis  acknowledged  organ,  and 
which  was  entirely  under  his  editorial 
control  until  his  nomination  by  the  Cin¬ 
cinnati  Convention  in  May  last,  must 
afford  the  most  authoritative  answer. 
The  researches  made  to  find  that  answer 
have  been  confined  to  a  period  of  three 
lor  four  years  past,  ending  with  this  pres¬ 
ent  one  of  1872.  Ho  evidences  of  his 
conversion  have  been  found,  and  any 
faithful  inquirer  must,  therefore,  be  con¬ 
strained  to  regard  him,  in  the  light  of 
his  own  recent  utterances,  as  the  same 
envenomed  calumniator  and  critic  of 
the  South  that  he  formerly  was.  No 
Southern  man  will  disagree  with  this 
judgment  after  reading  the  following 
extracts,  which  have  been  collected  with 
very  few,  if  any,  comments.  First,  at¬ 
tention  is  called  to  what  Mr.  Greeley  has 
had  to  say  in  reference  to  the  alleged  con¬ 
spiracy,  known  as 

TUB  KU-KLUX  KLAi'sT. 

“  We  have  been  slow  to  put  faith  in 
the  curious  stories  told  of  an  organiza¬ 
tion  called  the  Ku-klux  klan.  But  a 
careful  study  of  facts  ah*5,  sifting  of  tes¬ 
timony  lead  directly  to  the  conclusion 
that  there  is  solid  reality  under  thestuff 
and  nonsense  with  which  the  Southwest¬ 
ern  papers  mask  this  rapidly-spreading 
organization.”  *  *  *  '■•They  get  up 
a  mysterious  fellowship  ;  adopt  a  fright* 
fill  disguise  ;  scatter  abroad  horribly- 


worded  proclamations ;  make-  sudden 
forays  at  midnight ;  and  do  all  fantastic 
tricks  that  may  fit  their  purpose.  That 
purpose  is  to  frighten  anti  annoy  loyal 
colored  men  (and  white  men,  too,  if  they 
can)  so  that  they  will  leave  the  Southern 
States.  ••  *  “■  *  What  shall  be 

done?  Is  it  to  be  tolerated  that  in  a 
land  of  civil  government  an  irresponsi¬ 
ble  gang  of  ruffians  shall  spread  terror 
far  and  wide  over  a  third  of  the  national 
domain,  or  even  over  a  square  mile  of 
that  domain  ?  That  there  is  a  powerful 
organization,  composed  of  the  worst  men 
in  the  South,  and  aiming  at  the  end3  we 
have  described,  no  one  can  doubt.  Gov. 
Brownlow  is  widely  censured  for  his  de¬ 
nunciations  of  these  rascals,  and  possi¬ 
bly  bis  language  is  open  to  critroism  in 
the  matter  of  epithets.  But  when,  in 
any  section  of  the  country,  it  is  possible 
for  armed  men  to  ride  abroad  in  disguise, 
their  faces  closely  concealed,  and  order 
this  man  to  move,  that  other  to  stay: 
drag  forth  and  flog  one  for  loyalty  ;  burn 
the  house  of  another  ;  drive  unoffending 
school  mistresses  from  their  homes,  and 
spread  terror  over  a  whole  6tatc\  it  is 
high  time  to  pull  off  the  gloves*"” — .New 
York >  Tribune  of  April  G.  18CK, 

j  ‘-Yet  the  South  is  not  without  her  re¬ 
maining  scourges ;  and  first  among. these 
are  her  Ku-klux.  These  are  generally 
rebels  who  kept  out  oT'  the  Confederate 
armies  under  one  pretext  or  another,  and 
thus  escaped  being  whipped  into  good 
behavior;  but  some  of  them  were  boys, 
too  young  to  shoulder  a  mueket  in  1801 
and  1864,  but  now  old  enough  for  malig¬ 
nity  and  mischief.  These  malcontents, 
too  cowardly  for  open  rebellion,  conspire 
in  secret  to makenight  hideous  by  masks 
and  cowardly  raids  on  inoffensive  ne¬ 
groes,  whom  they  hate,  abuse,  and  rob, 
because  they  are  free.  Though  but  im 


V 


insignificant  fraction  of  the  Southern 
whites  are  Ku-klux,  or  give  them  any 
positive  aid,  there  must  be  many  who  do 
nothing  to  expose,  denounce,  and  bring 
them  to  justice.  All  who  do  not,  as  well 
as  the  masquerading  villains  they  vir¬ 
tually  protect,  are  enemies  of  the 
South.” — New  York  Tribune  of  March  29, 
1870. 

“That  it  will  be  very  difficult  to  sup¬ 
press  Ku-klux  outrages  in  heavily  wooded 
and  thinly  peopled  regions  where  nearly 
every  man  who  either  has  arms  or  knows 
how  to  use  them,  is  in  sympathy  with 
the  banded  perpetrators,  wo  readily  ad¬ 
mit.  But  the  Federal  Constitution,  in- 
cludingthe  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and 
fifteenth  amendments,  is  ‘the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,’  which  every  citizen  is 
bound  to  obey,  which  Congress  is  ex¬ 
pressly  authorized  to  fortify  and  uphold, 
and  which  the  President  is  solemnly 
sworn  to  enforce.  *  *  *  * 

“Southern reconstruction  will  be  ‘fin¬ 
ished  5  when  all  resistance  thereto  shall 
have  been  definitely  abandoned  or  finally 
crushed  out.  Until  then  it  is  not  ‘fin¬ 
ished,’  and  the  fault  is  in  no  degree  that 
of  loyal  men,  but  solely  that  of  the  per¬ 
sistent  rebels.  Congress  and  the  Execu¬ 
tive  must  keep  trying  until  the  Consti¬ 
tution  and  laws  are  fully  and  conclu¬ 
sively  obeyed,  and  they  who  complain 
that  reconstruction  is  never  ended  have 
themselves  alone  to  blame.” — New  York 
Tribune ,  March  10,  1871. 

“It  is  incredible  that  Congress  wants 
further  information  confirmatory  of  the 
voluminous  report  s  of  Kn-klux  outrages. 
It  has  voted  to  establish  a  select  com¬ 
mittee  to  make  additional  inquiries,  to 
take  until  December  next  to  do  it  in, 
and  to  report  to  the  House.  If  action 
for  the  protection  of  Southern  loyalists 
is  to  be  deferred  until  that  time  there  is 
a  chance  that  the  number  to  be  protected 
will  be  considerably  diminished.  If  the 
Kti-klux  are  to  be  permitted  to  continue 
•th.*ir  organization  and  to  make  their 
pi  parations  for  revolt  uninterrupted 
for  nine  months  longer,  it  is  not  at  all 
certain  that  the  existing  army  can  sup¬ 
press  them.  Tne  action  of  the  House 
ye.-terday  in  ordering  this  committee  to 
inquire  into  facts  already  too-well  estab¬ 
lished  by  painful  evidence,  is  naturally 
construed  as  meaning  that  no  bill  for 
protection  of  the  loyal  men  at  the  South 
w  ill  be  immediately  adopted.  The  im¬ 
portance  of  earnest  action  and  of  unity 
in  this  question  was  evident.  Had  a 
united  House  and  Senate  promptly 
passed  some  measure — any  measure  of 
protection— the  battle  would  have  been 
half  won,  for  in  their  resolutions  alone 


the  rebels  would  have  read  a  warning 
which  would  have  dispersed  them.  AYe 
trust  to-day  to  see  the  apparent  determi¬ 
nation  of^  the  House  to  delay  in  punish¬ 
ing  the  Ku-klux  reconsidered  and  some 
sound  measure  passed.”— -Neio  York  Tri¬ 
bune,  March  16,  1871. 

“The  Ku-  klux  conspiracy  is  designed  to 
carry  the  South  for  the  sham  Democracy 
in  1872  by  a  terrorism  so  pervading  and 
systematic,  as  to  drive  half  the  blacks 
from  the  polls  or  constrain  them  to  vote 
the  ticket  they  abhor.  Thus  several 
States  have  been  carried  in  1870  ;  thus  it 
is  intended  t  o  carry  nearly  or  quite  every 
Southern  State  in  1872.  And  unless 
some  protection  can  bo  afforded  by  the 
Union,  thus  most  of  those  States  will  be 
carried.  ’ ''—New  York  Tribune  of  March 
20,  1871.  /  . 

“Butfor  the  Republican  varnish  worn 
by  certain  venomous  traducers  of  tlu*' 
recent  act  of  Congress  leveled  at  the  Ku- 
klux  conspirators  and  assassins,  we 
should  not  interpose  ‘a  word  of  vindica¬ 
tion.  The  heartily  loyal  and  intelligent 
can  need  none.  The  act  in  question^' us- 
tifies  itself  to  every  one  who  heartily  up¬ 
holds  the  equal  rights  guaranteed  by  the 
later  amendments  to  the  Federal  Consti¬ 
tution.  It  is  now  the  fundamental  law 
of  the  land  that  a  man’s  color  or  race, 
however  unpopular  or  despised,  shall  be 
no  bar  to  the  enjoyment  of  every  politi¬ 
cal  and  civil  right  enjoyed  by  any  citi¬ 
zen.  Averylargeand  powerful  minority 
of  tlie  American  people  detest  this  and 
would  gladly  subvert  it.  *  *  This 

fact  gives  existence  and  impulse  to  the 
Ku-klux  conspiracy.  The  chief  object 
of  that  conspiracy  is  the  incitement  of 
such  alarm  and  terror  among  the  blacks 
of  the  South  that  a  large  portion  of  them 
shall  not  dare  to  vote,  and  some  be  con¬ 
strained  even  to  vote  for  their  implaca¬ 
ble  enemies  and  oppressors.  Hence  the 
Ku-klux  oaths  and  ceremonies  all  point 
to  the  reestablishment  of  a  ‘white  man’s 
government.’  *  *  That  this  is  in 

essence  rebellion,  as  well  as  conspiracy, 
and  a  very  cowardly,  sneaking  rebellion 
at  that,  every  truly  loyal  heart  must  feel. 
If  it  is  permitted  to  succeed,  then  negro 
enfranchisement  was  base  treachery  and 
cruelty.  *  -  If  Congress  had 

no  power  to  enforce  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  amendments  to  the  Federal 
Constitution,  then  they  should  never 
have  been  passed  nor  ratified.  If  it  has 
that  power  (and  the  affirmative  of  this 
proposition  is  expressed  in  the  very  words 
of  those  amendments)  then  there  is  no 
more  to  be  said.  Congress  has  tried  to 
do  what  the  Constitution  expressly  iv» 


quires  ;  yve  apprehend  that  its  measure 
will  prove  inadequate,  because  of  the 
intrinsic  difficulty  of  the  problem  ;  but 
it  has  acted  according  to  the  best  light 
vouchsafed  it,  and  will  hereafter  tighten 
the  hooks  and  clench  the  nails  as  expe¬ 
rience  shall  dictate.  ” — N~ew  York  Tri¬ 
bune ,  May  1,  1871. 

*  « 

“  Enforcing  the  Ku-klux  act  is  a  very 
different  thing  from  proclaiming  martial 
law,  which  is'the  supremacy  of  the  will 
of  the  military  commander  to  all  civil 
law.  The  Ku-klux  act  simply  provides 
for  the  arrest,  legal  trial,  and  punish¬ 
ment  of  the  masquerading  villians  wrho 
prowl  over  the  country  at  midnight, 
dragging  peaceable  citizens  (mainly  col¬ 
ored)  from  their  beds,  and  whipping, 
beating,  and  maiming  them,  until  they 
will  take  an  oath  never  again  to  vote  the 
Radical  ticket,  or  killing  them  in  case 
of  obstinate  refusal.  *  *  The  laws 
of  the  country  must  be  enforced.  Con¬ 
gress  has  properly  conferred  upon  the 
President  the  power  to  suppress  the  Ku- 
klux  by  military  measures,  and  he  will 
exercise  his  power  to  the  utmost.  ’’ — New 
York  Tribune ,  Mav  17,  1871. 

5 hi  SPEECH  OF  Mil.  GREELEY’S. 

‘■But  I  have  been  asked :  ‘Are  there  any 
Ku-klux  down  South  ?’  Yes,  gentle¬ 
men,  there  are.  They  didn’t  come  up  to 
me  and  tell  me  they  were  Ku-klux,  very 
often.  They  didn’t  undertake  to  per¬ 
form  their  delicate  operations  upon  me. 
I  should  have  had  very  much  more  re¬ 
spect  for  them  if  they  had.  lam  moved 
with  profound  disgust  when  I  think  of 
these  men  covering  themselves  up  with 
second-hand  calico,  masking  their  faces, 
arming  themselves  to  the  teeth,  and  rid¬ 
ing  around  to  the  cabins  of  poor,  harm¬ 
less  negroes,  dragging  them  from  their 
beds,  and  whipping  and  maiming  them 
until  they  are  compelled  to  swear  they 
will  never  again  vote  the  Republican 
ticket.  I  hold  that  to  be  a  very  cowardly 
procedure,  as  well  as  a  very  base  one, 
and  I  hold  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  Union  to  oppose  with  all 
its  power  and  with  all  its  force  every  such 
execrable  procedure  as  this.  Do  you  tell 
me  that  those  men  are  liable  to  the  State 
laws  for  the  assaults  and  batteries  they 
have  committed  ?  *  I  don’t  doubt  it;  but 
I  say  they  are  also  in  substance  and  pur¬ 
pose,  traitors  to  the  Government,  rebels 
against  its  authority,  and  the  most  cow¬ 
ardly,  skulking  rebels  ever  known  to  this 
or  any  other  country. 

“I  hold  our  Government  bound  by  its 
duty  of  protecting  our  citizens  in  their 
fundamental  rights,  to  pass  and  enforce 
laws  for  the  extirpation  of  the  execrable 


Ku-klux  conspiracy  ;  and  if  it  lias  not 
power  to  do  it,  then  I  say  our  Govern¬ 
ment  is  no  government,  but  a  sham.  I, 
therefore,  on  every  proper  occasion,  ad¬ 
vocated  and  justified  the  Ku-klux  act.  I 
hold  it  especially  desirable  for  the  South, 
and  if  it  does  not  prove  strong  enough 
to  effect  its  purpose,  I  hope  it  will  be 
made  stronger  and  stronger.  ::  *  *  * 
Fellow-citizens,  the  Ku-klux  are  no 
myth,  although  they  shroud  themselves 
in  darkness.  They  are  no  flittingghosts; 
they  are  a  baneful  reality.  They  have 
paralyzed  the  right  of  suffrage  in  many 
counties  throughout  the  South,  and  have 
carried  States  that  they  ought  not  to 
have  carried.  *  *  They  don’t  go 
for  the  thieving  carpet-baggers,  but  they 
skulk  around  wretched  cabins  and  drag 
out  inoffensive  negroes,  to  lash  and  t  or¬ 
ture  them,  merely  for  standing  up  Cor 
their  rights  as  men.  For  this.,  I  do  exe¬ 
crate  the  Ku-klux.  I  say  they  are  a  dis¬ 
grace  to  Southern  chivalry,  and  they 
would  be  drummed  out  of  the  South  if 
there  was  any  true  chivalry  there.” — 
Extract  from  a  speech  of  Horace  Greeley 
as ■  reported  in  the  Nan.  York  Tribune  of 
Jane  13,  1871. 

“All  our  special  correspondent’s  let¬ 
ters  have  been  full  of  food  for  profitable 
reflection.  Each  of  them  will  repay 
thoughtful  study;  but  we  call  especial 
attention  to  the  following  extract  from 
his  last,  wherein  he  exposes  recent  Ku- 
klux  operations  in  the  northwestern 
counties  of  Georgia.  He  says: 

“‘From  all  the  information  I  can 
gather,  it  appears  that,  in  addition  to  the 
political  animosity  entertained  toward 
the  negroes,  another  cause  is  operating 
to  produce  their  persecution,  and  that  is 
a  desire  among  the  poor  whites  to  drive 
them  away,  so  that  they  shall  not  come 
into  competition  with  them  as  laborers. 
These  poor  whites  or  ‘crackers,3  as  they 
are  called,  compose  the  active  force  of 
the  Ku-klux  organization.  They  have 
become  impressed  with  the  belief  that 
if  they  can  drive  out  the  negroes,  t  lie 
good  lands,  now  cultivated  by  the  blacks 
on  shares  for  the  planters,  will  fall  into 
their  hands.  *  *  On  the  same  prin¬ 
ciple,  where  they  see  a  negro  employed  in 
any  capacity  where  he  is  earning  good 
wages,  they  hate  him  and  want  to  run 
him  off,  that  his  place  may  be  obtained 
for  one  of  themselves.  They  frequently 
warn  white  men  to  discharge  their  negro 
hands,  and  beat  the  negroes  to  force 
them  to  leave.  K  egrties  who  have  ac¬ 
quired  little  farms  of  their  own  are  es¬ 
pecially  detested  by  these  ruffians* 

“  ‘The  real  leaders  of  the  Ku-klux  are 
the  court-house  and  tavern  politicians, 


< 


4 


mm  tiio  rank  and  file  is  composed  of  the  j 
idle,  ignorant,  and  worthless  poor  white  j 
element,"  which  is  unquestionably  the 
worst  class  of  people  to  be  found  any 
where  in  the  United  States.  They  are 
deplorably  ignorant,  but  have  no  desire 
for  education  for  themselves  or  their 
children.  They  are  wretchedly  poor,  but 
the  desire  for  wealth  neyer  stimulates 
them  to  steady  labor.  They  are  without 
ambition  to  better  their  condition.  They 
are  coarse,  cruel,  and  vindictive,  and  in 
every  way  deserve  their  appellation  of 
the  Sow  down’  people.’ 

■  “Here  is  information  which  the  whole 
American  people  need,  but  which  is  sys¬ 
tematically  withheld  from  one-half  of 
thertf.  Hence,  honest  and  passably  in¬ 
telligent  men  to  this  day  believe  the  Ku- 
klux  organization  and  its  crimes  the 
coinage  of  Radical  politicians  and  jour¬ 
nalists.  And  being  told  that  the  Ku¬ 
dus  act  was  utterly  needless,  and  only 
devised  to  enable  General  Grant  to  re¬ 
elect  himself  by  coercing  the  voters  of 
the  Southern  States,  or  falsifying  their 
verdict,  they  more  than  half  believe  it. 

— New  York  Tribune,  June  1G,  1S71. 

“General  Napoleon  Bonaparte  Forrest 
has.made  a  clean  breast  of  the  Ku-klux 
business.  Examined  by  the  Congress 
Committee  on  Southern  Outrages,  after 
pooh-poohing  the  whole  subject,  lie  was 
obliged  to  acknowledge  that  the  Ku- 
klux  were  in  operation  throughout  the 
South  during  the  last  Presidential  elec¬ 
tion,  and  that  he  was  a  member  of  the 
gang*.  To.be  sure  he  quibbled  about  the 
title  of  the  organization,  and  said  that 
it  was  not  Ku-klux  to  which  he  belonged, 
but  4  White  Camelias  afterward  he 
*  reckoned  ’  it  was  the  Pale-faces  to 
which  he  adhered.  But  what’s  in  a 
name?  Mr.  Forrest  has  acknowledged 
that  lie  belonged  to  a  secret  body  of 
men,  known  by  various  titles,  but  well 
understood  to  bo  the  Ku-klux  Klan. 
With  this  forced  confession,  we  are  not 
■surprised  to  hear  of  a  petition  from  over 
sixty  residents  of  Fayette  county,  Ala- , 
bama,  asking  for  protection  from  the 
Ku-klux,  which  such  men  as  Forrest  are 
ready  to  swear  do  not  exist.  After  the 
unpleasant  exhibition  of  this  witness 
before  the  Ku-klux  committee,  people 
will  be  reluctant  to  accept  any  of  his 
voluntary  vaporings  as  truth.”— New 
York  Iribunc ,  June  28,  1871. 

^  Wo  submit  these  (Louisiana)  returns 
without  argument.  Those  who  scan 
them  will  faiow  whether  the  thousands 
of  black  voters  (to  say  nothing  of  white 
Republicans)  in  each  of  thirty  or  forty 
counties  unanimously,  or  with  but  two 


or  three  exceptions,  refused  to  vote  at 
ail,  or  voluntarily  voted  for  Seymour  and 
Blair.  Testimony  as  to  hoio  they  were 
deterred  from  voting,  or  made  to  vote  as 
they  did,  is  abundant  and  positive  ;  but 
who  reads  it?.  The  official  returns  need 
no  corroboration.  *  And  tliev 

prove  no  isolated  raid  of  a  few  thought¬ 
less,  reckless  boys  ;  they  demonstrate  a 
gigantic,  wide-spread,  death-denouncing 
conspiracy  to  subvert  the  constitutional 
amendments  and  the  sacred  right  of  suf¬ 
frage. 

“  The  Ku-klux  act  is  the  national  for¬ 
mula  of  resistance  to  any  repetition  of 
that  momentous  wrong.  It  is  fair  no¬ 
tice  that  who  ever  attempts  hereafter  to 
repeat  the  crimes  whereby  Louisiana 
was  gagged,  bound,  and  made  to  bear 
false  witness  against  herself  and  theRe- 
j  public  in  1868,  shall  be  dealt  with  as 
|  the  rebels  and  traitors  they  truly  are. 
Let  none  defy  the  warning!” — NeuJ 
j  York  Tribune ,  June  29,  1871. 

“The  Ku-klux  organization  may  be 
active  in  this  locality  and  dormant  in 
that— may  seem  dead  to-day  and  be  re¬ 
vived  to-morrow— but  the  Ku-klux  spirit 
still  lives  at  the  South,  and  is  very  form¬ 
idable.  It  is  grounded  in  a  conviction 
that  the  blacks  are  unfit  and  not  really 
entitled  to  vote  ;  that  reconstruction  is 
usurpation  ;  that  This  is  a  white  man’s 
government;’  and  that  the  black  vote  is 
somehow  to  be  nullified;  by  fair  means,  if 
practicable ;  but  by  some  means  anyhow. 

“It  is  against  this  spirit  and  its  myriad 
!  manifestations  that  the  Ku-klux  legisla- 
|  tion  of  Congress  is  directed — in  our  judg¬ 
ment,  most  righteously  and  properly. 
If  Congress  be  not  empowered  to  protect 
the  right  of  the  people  to  choose  their 
President  and  Vice-President  against 
such  a  conspiracy  as  that  which  falsified 
the  verdict  of  Louisiana  in  1868,  then 
the  Constitution  is  a  sham  and  the  right 
of  suffrage  a  mockery.” — New  York  Tri¬ 
bune, ,  July  18,  1871. 

“Thus  far  the  President’s  powers  un¬ 
der  the  Ku-klux  bill  have  scarcely  been 
exercised  for  the  pacification  of  the  dis¬ 
orders  which  have  existed  in  the  South. 
But  in  South  Carolina,  and  notably  in 
York  and  Spartanburg  counties,  there 
have  been  such  serious  and  wilful  dis¬ 
turbances  that  forbearance  does  not 
seem  longer  possible.  Fair  warning  has 
been  given,  and  unless  the  perpetrators 
of  outrages  there  are  otherwise  brought 
to  j  nstice.  martial  law  will  be  proclaimed, 
and  the  Ku-klux  will  be  arrested  by  mili¬ 
tary  commanders  without  civil  process. 
There  seems  to  be  no  other  way  of  reach¬ 
ing  the  difficulty;  and  when  military 


[ 


law  i3  invoked  it  should  thoroughly  erad¬ 
icate  the  source  of  disorder.” — New 
York  Tribune,  September  2,  1871, 

“Nobody  need  expect  that  alldawless- 
ness  in  the  South  can  be  put  down  by 
any  scheme  which  it  is  possible  for  the 
ingenuity  of  man  to  invent.  Peoplefor- 
get,  in  their  impatience  with  'the  delay 
which  attends  the  return  of  the  South¬ 
ern  States  to  order,  that  before  the  war 
there  was  always  an  easy  license  for  vio¬ 
lent  men,  and  that  Judge  Lynch  is  not 
a  new  character  in  the  lately  rebellious 
States.  There  has  always  been  a  spirit 
oE  lawlessness  abroad  in  the  more  sparse¬ 
ly  settled  regions  of  the  South;  and  in 
town,  as  well  as  in  country,  that  ele¬ 
ment  of  brutality  which  we  consider  an 
inevitable  adjunct  of  the  old  system  of 
slavery  has  ever  been  dominant.  *  * 

The  fact  is,  the  violence  and  outrages  of 
which  we  complain  are  the  legitimate 
growth  of  the  imperfect  civilization  of 
the  South,  aggravated  bv  a  variety  of 
recent  circumstances.  We  have  nothing 
to  expect  of  a  reorganized  Democracy  in 
the  South  any  more  than  in  the  North. 

':f  So  long  a3  State  laws  and  State 
officers  aro  nob  equal  to  the  emergency, 
the  laws  and  officers  of  the  United  States 
must  be  iuvokcd  to  supplement  the 
weaker  and  more  inefficient  organiza¬ 
tion.  That  there  will  be  disorders  is 
evident;  that  a  military  force  must,  to 
some  extent,  reinforce  the  civil  author¬ 
ity  seems  t!o  be  equally  true  now.” — New 
York  Tribune ,  September  30,  1871.. 

“The  Southern  people  profess  to  be  sat¬ 
isfied  with  the  constitutional  amend¬ 
ments;  to  be  convinced  at  any  rate  that 
the  suffrage  once  granted  must  not  be 
taken  away.  But  while  they  are  clam¬ 
oring  for  political  equality,  the  poor 
blacks  are  quivering  under  the  lash  of 
midnight  ruffians,  or  fleeing  from  their 
burning  cabins,  or  perishing  by  the  as¬ 
sassin’s  ballet.  *  *  *  Men  are  taken 
from  their  homes  at  night  and  scourged. 
Republicans  dare  not  sleep  in  their  own 
houses,  butassembleat  nightin  large  and 
well-armed  bodies.  :f  *  --  These 

Ku-klux  ruffians  and  their  champions 
have  a  marvelous  reverence  for  the 
constitution  and  respect  for  the  laws  ! 
It  is  tlieir  devotion  to  1  the  cause  of 
liberty  throughout  the.  world’  that 
impels  them  to  whip  and  maim  their 
humble  neighbors  who  have  the  impu¬ 
dence  to  vote  the  Republican  ticket  in 
defiance  of  these  prowlers’  known  wishes. 
When  they  shall  have  learned  to  respect 
the  constitional  and  legal  guaranties  of 
those  neighbors’  dearest  rights,  includ¬ 
ing  the  right  to  live,  the  Ku-klux  law 
and  its  enforcement  will  give  no  sort  of 


trouble.” — New  York  Tribune ,  October 
2G,  1871. 

‘•There  is  a  large  class  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  who  are  exercised  by  a  contem¬ 
plation  of  what  they  call  ‘military  des¬ 
potism,’  ‘bayonet  rule,’  and  [inaccurate¬ 
ly]  ‘martial  law,’  in  certain  portions  of 
the  South.  We  heartily  agree  with  them 
that  such  rule  is  undesirable  per  se ,  and 
should  be  brought  to  a  close  as  speedily 
as  is  consistent  with  the  maintenance  of 
order  and  the  security  of  personal  rights. 
We  dislike  the  spectacle  of  citizens  ar¬ 
rested  by  a  military  force,  and  marched 
off  to  jail  between  files  of  soldiers;  but  if 
there  be  no  other  way  of  stopping  mid¬ 
night  raids  on  the  homes  of  peaceful, 
humble  laborers,  in  order  to  drag  out  the 
inmates  and  lash  them  into  swearing 
that  they  will  never  again  vote  as  they 
are  well-known  to  feel  and  think,  we  can 
stand  the  military  arrests,  and  so,  we  are 
confident, can  the  country.” — New  York 
Tribune ,  December'  11,  1871. 

“The  Columbia,  S.  O.,  trials,  which 
have  just  been  concluded,  were,  in  some 
respects,  the  most  remarkable  which 
over  took  place  in  the  country.  The  evi¬ 
dence,  as  now  summed  up  in  the  Tribune 
correspondence,  establishes  these  facts: 
The  Ku-klux  organization  was  created 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  coercing  voters 
into  forsaking  the  Republican  party;  the 
leaders  \7ere  Democrats,  men  of  educa¬ 
tion  and  social  standing;  the  rank  and 
tile  were  the  ‘poor  whites,  ’  who  were  com¬ 
pelled  to  join  the  conspiracy  and  do  its 
work,  or  become  its  victims;  it  was  bro¬ 
ken  up  by  the  indictment  of  the  leaders 
when  the  baser  sort  made  clean  breast 
of  all  they  knew  about  it.  *  *  The 

story  of  brutality,  crime,  violence,  and 
moral  degradation  made  up  from  the 
revelations  of  the  witnesses,  is  too  re¬ 
volting  for  recital;  it  is  a  dark  chapter 
in  the  history  of  civilization;  it  is  a  burn¬ 
ing  disgrace  to  the  party  which  organ¬ 
ized  the  conspiracy,  aided  and  abetted 
its  agents,  and  did  its  best  to  suppress 
the  evidence  now  published  to  the 
world.” — New  York  Tribune ,  January 
10,  1872. 

Having  thus  far  permitted  Mr.  Gree¬ 
ley  to  speak  for  himself,  it  must  be  said 
upon  this  point  that  his  pretensions  of 
friendship  towards  the  South  can  not 
hold  their  ground  for  a  moment  against 
this  flood-tide  of  rancorous  expression, 
which  indicates  too  clearly  the  true  char¬ 
acter  and  animus  of  the  man.  But  even 
if  those  pretensions  could  be  shown  to  be 
well-founded,  still  Mr.  Greeley,  first, 
witli  his  openly  avowed  hostility  to  the 
feelings  and  associations  of  the  South; 
and,  secondly,  with  his  sickly,  sentimen- 


b 


tal  philanthropy,  which  prompts  him, 
ever  and  anon,  to  make  fierce  onslaughts  i 
upon. all  the  barriers  with  which  the 
South  is  desirous  of  guarding  the  purity 
of  social  life  and  manners,  is  by  no  means 
the  man  to  be  elevated  to  the  Presiden¬ 
tial  chair  by  her  electoral  votes.  Upon 
the  first  point,  we  have  only  to  instance 
his  position  in  1870,  when  Congress  was 
debating  what  is  known  as  the  ‘bayonet 
law.’  Here,  too,  out  of  his  own  mouth 
let  Mr.  Greeley  be  condemned  by  citing 
editorials  of  his.  favoring  the  passage  of 
the  law  for 

ENFOKCISG  the  15th  amendment. 

“We  have  not  hitherto  urged  the  pas¬ 
sage  by  Congress  of  Judge  Davis’s  bill 
regulating  elections  for  representatives 
in  Congress  and  Presidential  electors, 
and  punishing  frauds  in  the  casting  and 
return  of  votes.  Now,  we  do  urge  it. 
Let  us  have  the  bill  passed  at  this  ses¬ 
sion,  and  made  so  stringent  in  its  penal¬ 
ties  that  villains  will  not  dare  to  defy 
them.” — New  York  Tribune,  May  19, 
1870. 

“We  call  upon  Congress  fora  law  that 
will  confine  voting  to  legal  voters  by 
providing  the  ways  and  means  of  punish¬ 
ing  those  who  vote  in  fraud  of  those  vo¬ 
ter’s  rights.  *  *  *  Congress  must 

protect  the  ballot-boxes.  That  is  the 
first  step  required.  We  ‘fly  from  petty 
tyrants  to  the  thronfe.’  Congress  may 
not  be  able  to  protect  us  fully,  but  it 
must  try  and  its  effort  cannot  be  wholly 
fruitless.” — New  York  Tribune ,  May  2u, 
1870. 

“The  Senate  finally  passed  its  bill  to 
enforce  the  fifteenth  amendment  at  day¬ 
light  on  Saturday.  After  a  stormy  night- 
session  the  vote  revealed  that  there  was 
nobody  opposed  to  it  except  the  eight 
Democrats,  and  that  the  week’s  debate 
had  been  totally  unnecessary— a  mere 
vexation  of  Senatorial  spirit  and  a  trifl¬ 
ing  with  public  patience.  *  The 

President  is  authorized  to  employ  the 
army  and  navy  in  enforcing  the  law. 
The  trial  of  all  persons  charged  with 
holding  office  contrary  to  the  fourteenth 
amendment,  is  given  precedence  over  all 
other  cases,  and  the  punishment  on  con¬ 
viction  is  fixed  at  $1,000,  or  imprison¬ 
ment,  or  both.  There  are  other  provi¬ 
sions  enforcing  the  rights  of  colored  per¬ 
sons  in  the  Territories,  reenacting  the 
civil  rights  bill  of  1807,  punishing  ‘re¬ 
peating’  and  fraudulent  registering  by 
a  line  of  $500,  or  imprisonment,  or  both, 
and  authorizing  a  candidate  defeated  for 
office  by  reason  of  the  refusal  to  receive 
a  single  legal  vote  to  recover  possession 
of  and  hold  the  office.  The  bill  is  cer¬ 


tainly  sweeping  enough.  *  *  *  The 
House  bill  differs  materially  from  this 
measure,  but  there  is  a  hope  that  the 
two  houses  will  ultimately  .agree  on  a 
bill  essentially  thesame  as  the  one  adopted 
by  the  Senate.” — New  York  Tribune ,  May 
•23,  1870. 

“We  have  before  called  attention  to 
the  provisions  of  the  stringent  bill  for 
enforcingtbe  fifteenth  amendment  lately 
adopted  by  Congress  *  *  *  It  is  in¬ 
teresting  to  note  that  the.  jurisdiction  of 
the  offenses  enumerated  in  the  bill  is  not 
to  rest  with  tlie^State  courts,  but  is  vested 
solely  in  the  United  States  courts.  We 
have  lately  had  in  Brooklyn  illustrations 
of  the  manner  in  which  corrupt  judges 
of  election  are  punished  by  State  laws 
and  courts.  *  *  *  We  believe  that 
the  new  law  will  not  bo  thus  adminis* 
tered  or  enforced  by  tho  United  States 
authorities,  but  that  the  full  penalties 
for  the  crime  will  be  pronounced  and  will 
have  to  be  paid. 

“  It  is  urged  by  the  Democratic  organs 
and  speakers  that  the  law  is  to  be  en- 
forced  in  State  and  municipal  elections. 
This  is  done  to  make  it  more  obnoxious, 
if  that  be  possible,  to  their  party.  But, 
unfortunately,  this  is  an  error.  Thelaw 
clearly  applies  only  to  Presidential  and 
Congressional  elections, though  we  heart¬ 
ily  wish  it  could  be  made  to  apply  to  all 
others.” — Neiv  York  Tribune ,  May  31, 
1870. 

Upon  the  second  point  made  as  to 
why  Mr.  Greeley  ought  not  t^\be  a  Presi¬ 
dential  candidate  acceptable  to,  and  fa¬ 
vored  by,  the  South,  it  can  be  shown  that 
only  seven  or  eight  years  ago  he  favored 
the  doctrine  of  social  equality  even  to 
the  extent  of  becoming  A  champion  of 
miscegenation.  Upon  Hie  point  un¬ 
der  consideration,  as  upon  others,  it  is 
only  necessary  to  cite  Mr.  Greeley’s  ut¬ 
terances  within  the  last  three  or  four 
years.  Here  are  some  things  that  he  lias 
had  to  say  within  the  period  mentioned 
upon  the  question  of 

MIXED  SCHOOLS. 

t  appears  that,  by  the  present  pro- 
vi  non,  the  colored  children  in  the  Dis¬ 
trict  of  Columbia  are  gathered  together 
in  separate  schools.  This  was  probably 
the  best  possible  arrangement  so  long  as 
the  question  was  whether  these  children 
should  have  separate  schools  or  none  ; 
bat  such  a  plan  at  tuis  time  (if  it  be  not 
unconstitutional,  as  we  suspect,)  is  at 
leasUcalculated  to  perpetuate  prejudices 
and  social  distiuc Lions,  which  there  is 
an  absolute  political  necessity  for  dis¬ 
carding.  *  'x‘  bo  long  as  the  colored 

children  are  herded  together,  like  lepers 


iii  ;i  ffizar-house,  so  long  will  they  bo. 
cruelly  despised  and  not  seldom  mal- 1 
treated.  The  general  objections  to  all  | 
class  schools  apply  in  this  case  with  un-  j 
answer  aide  force.” — New  York  Tribune , ! 
May  3,  1870. 

14  Let  the  whitt-s  eagerly  cooperate  with 
them  (the  blacks)  in  beljalf  of  universal 
education.  Let  them  resolutely  stamp 
out  the  mean  prejudice  which  says,  ‘My 
children  must  not  go  to  any  school  where 
negro  children  are  taught ;  I  cannot  ride 
in  any  stage  or  car  where  negroes  are 
allowed,  except  as  servants  to  whites.’” 
— -New  York  Tribune ,  November  8,  1871. 

“  We,  then,  having  attended  the  same 
school  with  colored  children,  sat  on  the 
same  bench,  studied  from  the  same  book, 
and  recited  in  the  same  class  without 
receiving  a  particle  of  damage,  protest 
against  the  assumption  that  schools 
must  inexorably  be  separate  as  inhuman, 
unchristian,  and  a  disgrace  to  the  19th 
century.” — New  York  Tribune ,  December  \ 
9,  1871. 

But  it  is  not  upon  the  question  of 
mixed  schools  alone  that  Mr.  Greeley 
has  proved  himself  to  be,  when  no 
chances  of  a  Presidential  election  were 
befdre  him,  thus  radically  at  variance 
with  the  South.  He  has  sustained  the 
“civil  rights”  policy.  If  any  proof  of  this 
be  needed,  we  have  only  to  state  that,  in 
1870,  Senator  Sumner  brought  forward 
the  first  draft  of  his  favorite  measure 
known  as  “the  civil  rights  bill.”  In 
order  that  it  may  be  understood,  the 
latest  form  that  it  has  assumed  is  here 
given,  after  being  cleared  by  legislative 
criticism  and  pruningof  some  of  its  most 
offensive  redundancy  of  language. 

SENATOR  SUMNER’S  CIVIL  RIGHTS  BILi. 

“lie  it  enacted ,  &c.,  That  no  citizen  of 
the. United  States  shall,  by  reason  of! 
race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  ser- j 
vitude,  be  excepted  or  excluded  from  the 
full  and  equal  enjoyment  of  any  accom¬ 
modation,  advantage,  facility,  or  privil- 1 
egc  furnished  by  inn-keepers;  by  com¬ 
mon  carriers,  whether  on  land  or  water; 
by  licensed  owners,  managers,  or  lessees  ; 
of  theaters,  or  other  places  of  public 
amusement;  by  trustees,  commissioners, 
superintendents,  teachers,  and  other  offi¬ 
cers  of  common  schools  and  public  insti¬ 
tutions  of  learning,  the  same  being 
supported  by  moneys  derived  from  gen¬ 
eral  taxation  or  authorized  by  law ;  also 
of  cemetery  associations  and  benevolent 
associations  supported  or  authorised  in 
the  same  way :  Provided ,  That  private 
schools,  cemeteries,  and  institutions  of 
learning established  exclusively  for  white 


or  colored  persons,  and  maintained  re¬ 
spectively  bv  voluntary  contributions, 
shall  remain  according  to  the  terms  of 
the  original  establishment. 

“  Sec.  2.  That  any  person  violating 
any  of  the  provisions  U  the  foregoing 
sectipn,  or  aiding  in  their  violation,  or 
inciting  thereto,  shall,  for  every  such 
offense,  forfeit  and  pay  the  sum  of  five 
hundred  dollars  to  the  person  aggrieved 
thereby,  to  be  recovered  in  an  action  on 
the  case,  with  full  costs,  and  shall  also, 
for  every  such  offense,  be  deemed  guilty 
of  a  misdemeanor,  and,  upon  conviction 
thereof,  shall  be  fined  not  less  than  five 
hundred  nor  more  than  one  thousand 
dollars,  or  shall  be  imprisoned  not  less 
than  thirty  davs  nor  more  than  one 
year :  Provided ,  That  the  party  aggrieved 
shall  not  recover  more  than  one  penal¬ 
ty ;  and  when  the  offense  is  a  refusal  of 
burial,  the  penalty  may  be  recovered  by 
the  heirs- at  law  of  the  person  whose 
body  has  been  refused  burial. 

“Sec.  3.  That  the  same  jurisdiction 
and  powers  are  hereby  conferred  and  the 
duties  enjoined  upon  the  courts  and 
officers  of  the  United  States  in  the 
execution  of"  this  act  as  are  conferred 
and  enjoined  upon  such  courts  and  offi¬ 
cers  in  sections  three,  four,  five,  seven, 
and  ten  of  an  act  entitled  ‘An  act  to 
protect  all  persons  in  the  United  States 
in  their  civil  rights,  and  to  furnish 
the  means  of  their  vindication,’ passed 
April  ninth,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty- 
six,  and  these  sections  are  hereby  made 
a  part  of  this  act ;  and  any  of  the  afore¬ 
said  officers  failing  to  institute  and 
prosecute  such  proceedings  herein  re- 
j  quired  shall,  for  every  such  offense,  for- 
i  feit  and  pay  the  sum  of  five  hundred 
j  dollars  to  the  person  aggrieved  thereby, 
j  to  be  recovered  by  an  action  on  the  case, 
i  with  full  costs,  and  shall,  on  conviction 
I  thereof,  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misde¬ 
meanor,  and  be  lined  not  less  than  one 
thousand  dollars  nor  more  than  five 
thousand  dollars. 


“Sec.  -1-.  That  no  citizen  possessing 
all  other  qualifications  which  are  or  may 
be  prescribed  by  law  shall  be  disqualified 
for  service  as  juror  in  any  court,  national 
or  State,  by  reason  of  race,  color,  or 
previous  condition  of  servitude ;  and  any 
officer  or  other  persons  charged  with 
any  duty  in  the  selection  or  summoning 
of  jurors  who  shall  exclude  or  fail  to 
summon  any  citizen  for.  the  reason 
above  named  shall,  on  conviction  there¬ 
of,  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor 
and  be  fined  not  less  than  one  thousand 
dollars  nor  more  than  five  thousand  dol¬ 
lars. 

5.  That  every  discrimination 


“Sec. 


s 


against  any  citizen  on  account  of  color 
by  the  use  of  the  word  44  white,”  or  any 
other  term  in  any  law,  statute,  ordi¬ 
nance,  or  regulation,  is  hereby  repealed 
and  annulled.” 

Such  is  Senator  Sumner’s  most  cher¬ 
ished  and  most  persistently-urged  meas¬ 
ure.  What  are  Mr.  Greeley’s  views  in 
relation  to  it?  Let  him  still  speak  for 
himself : 

“In  the  Senate  yesterday  Mr.  Sumner 
introduced  a  bill  to  secure  equality  of 
rights  regardless  of  color  in  cars,  ou 
steamboats,  &c.,  &c.  That  is  right, 
and  we  trust  it  may  prevail.” — New 
York  Tribune ,  May  14,  1870. 

“Senator  Sumner,  in  his  speech  yester¬ 
day,  makes  a  powerful  and  feeling  plea 
in  behalf  of  a  proscribed  race,  which  he 
thinks  is  deprived  unjustly  of  many  rights 
and  privileges,  lie  thinks  that  equality 
before  the  law  is  not  enough  for  the  new- 
made  citizen,  and  that  in  a  multitude  of 
ways  lie  is  reminded  of  the  ancient  bond¬ 
age  which  he  suffered  and  the  prejudice 
which  still  follows  him.  The  case  is  well 
put,  and  will  convince  many  who  have 
heretofore  doubted  the  expediency  of 
further  legislation  on  this  subject.”— 
New  York  Tribune ,  January  16, 1872. 

The  civil  rights  measure  having  failed 
because  its  author  persisted  in  trying  to 
tack  it  as  an  amendment  to  the  amnesty 
bill,  Mr.  Greeley  improved  the  occasion 
by  writing  an  article  which  he  entitled 


C ; 


A  WOIiD  WITH  THE  CniVALIiY. 


“Xow,  that  the  scheme  of  attaching 
civil  rights  to  amnesty  lia3  resulted  in 
the  temporary  defeat  of  both,  we  ask  the 
sometime  aristocracy  of  the  South  to 
look  at  civil  (if  you  please  social)  rights 
in  the  light  of  these  accomplished  and 
undeniable  facts.  It  is  a  fact  that  the 
blacks  are  here — nearly  live  millions  of 
them — and  are  not  going  away.  *  * 

It  is  a.  fact  that  l  hev  are  free  and  cannot 
be  reenslaved.  "  *  It  is  afact  that 
they  vote  as  others  do,  and  are  eligible 
to  office.  Six  or  eight  of  them  are  now 
members  of  Congress,  as  more  will  be, 
since  a  majority  of  the  voters  are  black 
in  at  least  twenty  distriots.  Do  you  sup¬ 
pose,  can  you  imagine,  that  these  colored 
members  of  Congress  are  always  to  jour¬ 
ney  to  and  from  Washington  in  smoking 
cars?  Can  you  really  afford  to  insist 
that:  they  shall  ?  *  *  *  Men  of  the 
South  1  you  were  once  accounted  shrewd 
politicians.  .Does  this  look  like  it?  Are 
you  not  aUmving  your  women  to  rule 
you?  We  entreat  you  to  heed  the  Eng¬ 
lishman’s  exhortation  to  his  departing 
friend:  4  lie  good  to  yourself,  John.’ 


We  need  no  civil  rights  bill,  if  you  will 
only  evince  a  little  homely  common  sense. 
But  shoving  your  representatives  in  Con¬ 
gress  and  their  wives  into  filthy  smoking 
cars,  while  you  compel  them  to  pay  first- 
class  fare, is  a  folly  which  you  will  surely 
be  ashamed  of  whenever  your  heads  are 
cool.  Is  not  it  the  wise  way  to  do  what 
you  ultimately  must,  while  yet  you  grace¬ 
fully  may?” — New  York  Tribune ,  Febru¬ 
ary'  12,  1872. 

Among  the  latest  expressions  of  Mr. 
Greeley’s  hopes  and  wishes  in  reference 
to  the  civil  rights  bill  is  the  following  : 

44  Senator  Sumner,  always  in  advance 
as  a  champion  of  equal  i  ights,  has  pro¬ 
posed  that  blacks  shall  have  equal  access 
with  whites  to  all  public  conveyances, 
hotels,  and  public  entertainments.  This 
has,  thus  far,  been  baffled ;  but  it  seems 
likely  to  prevail  at  the  present  session. 
And  once  enacted  it  may,  in  some  in¬ 
stances,  be  disobeyed,  but  can  hardly  be 
reversed.” — New  York  Tribune ,  April 
17,  1872. 

Such  is  Mr.  Greeley’s  portrait  as 
painted  by  himself.  As  a  sort  of  com¬ 
panion  picture,  we  shall  close  by  giving 
a  view  of  his  opponent.  General  Grant, 
complainingly  sketched  by  Senator  Sum¬ 
ner  because  of  Grant’s  supineness  in  the 
matter,  so  dear  to  the  Senator’s  heart : 

44  Other  things  might  bo  mentioned, 
showing  the  sympathies  of  the  Presi¬ 
dent,  but  I  cannot  forget  the  civil  rights 
bill,  which  is  the  cap-stone  of  that 
equality  before  the  law  to  which  all  are 
entitled  without  distinction  of  color. 
President  Grant,  woo  could  lobby  so  as¬ 
siduously  for  his  St.  Domingo  scheme, 
full  of  wrong  to  the  colored  race,  could 
do  uothingfor  this  beneficent  measure. 
Duringa  long  session  of  Congress  it  was 
discussed  constantly,  and  Lie  colored 
people  everywhere  hung  upon  the  de¬ 
bate*,  but  there  was  no  word  of  4  heart¬ 
felt  sympathy  ’  from  the  President.  At 
last,  just  before  tho  nominating  conven¬ 
tion,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  a  meeting 
of  colored  fellow-citizens  in  Washing¬ 
ton,  called  to  advance  this  cause,  when 
he  avoided  the  question  by  declaring 
himself  in  favor  of  *  the  exercise  of  those 
rights  to  which  every  citizen  should  be 
justly  entitled,’  leaving  it  uncertain 
whether  colored  people  are  justly  en¬ 
titled  to  the  rights  secured  by  the  pend¬ 
ing  bill.  I  understand  that  Horae# 
Greeley  lias  been  already  assailed  by  an 
impracticable  Democrat  as  friendly  t<i» 
this  bill,  but  nooody  has  lisped  against 
President  Grant  on  tnis  account.” — Let¬ 
ter  of  Senator  Sumner  to  colored  c&hn/i?, 
July  29.  1872. 


